Intervention effects in relative pronoun pied-piping: experimental evidence∗
نویسنده
چکیده
This paper contributes experimental evidence regarding the question of how relative pronouns are interpreted in English non-restrictive relative clauses with relative pronoun piedpiping (RPPP). Kotek and Erlewine (2015) and Erlewine and Kotek (to appear b) claim that the whrelative pronoun is sensitive to intervention effects inside its pied-piping constituent (cf Sauerland and Heck 2003, Cable 2010, Kotek and Erlewine to appear). In this paper we present the results of a web-based grammaticality judgment survey which supports this claim. We discuss the nature of the intervention judgment, which is notoriously subtle, and how it might be modeled in grammar. The sensitivity of RPPP to intervention effects has important implications for the formal analysis of English non-restrictive relative clauses, supporting the view that relative pronouns are interpreted in-situ without covert movement out of its pied-piping.
منابع مشابه
The structure and interpretation of non-restrictive relatives: Evidence from relative pronoun pied-piping
In this paper, we investigate the structure and interpretation of English nonrestrictive relative clauses, also often called appositive relatives and sometimes supplemental relatives. We propose that in non-restrictive relatives, relative pronouns are interpreted in situ within the pied-piped constituent at LF, using RoothHamblin alternative computation (Hamblin, 1973; Rooth, 1985, 1992, a.o.)....
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In relative clauses, the wh relative pronoun can be embedded in a larger phrase, as in a boy [whose brother] Mary hit. In such examples, we say that the larger phrase has pied-piped along with the whword. In this paper, using a similar syntactic analysis for wh pied-piping as in Han (2002) and further developed in Kallmeyer and Scheffler (2004), I propose a compositional semantics for relative ...
متن کاملPied-Piping in Relative Clauses: Syntax and Compositional Semantics using Synchronous Tree Adjoining Grammar
Abstract. In relative clauses, the wh relative pronoun can be embedded in a larger phrase, as in “a boy [whose brother] Mary hit” and “a boy [whose brother’s friend] Mary hit”. In such examples, we say that the larger phrase containing the wh-word has pied-piped along with the wh-word. In this paper, using a similar syntactic analysis for wh pied-piping as in Han (2002) and further developed in...
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In this paper we argue for the existence of covert pied-piping in wh-questions through a previously unnoticed pattern of intervention effects in superiorityobeying English multiple wh-questions. We show that the preference of covert pied-piping is for movement of larger constituents, unlike overt pied-piping. We argue that this discrepancy stems from conflicting requirements of PF and LF: overt...
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